UNITED STATES - MAY 21: Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., waits for an elevator as he leaves the Senate floor after the Senate voted to cut off a filibuster of President Barack Obamas Trade Promotion Authority package on Thursday, May 21, 2015.

Nuke it or no? (Photo By Bill Clark/CQ Roll Call)

Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell this week is expected to bypass Democrats and eliminate the filibuster on Supreme Court nominations in order to place Judge Neil Gorsuch, President Donald Trump's nominee, on the the high court. But should Republicans choose this so-called "nuclear option"?

The Senate filibuster, which was first used in 1837, allows the minority party to block majority party nominations or legislation. Ending a filibuster and allowing a final vote to proceed currently requires a supermajority, or 60 votes, as opposed to a simple majority. When it comes to the Supreme Court, then, the filibuster is meant to discourage the right or left from nominating political ideologues to the high court: Swerve too far to the fringes, and risk an indefinite block on your nominee.

But Republican control in the Senate and White House endanger the filibuster's future. Democrats, opposed to Gorsuch and smarting from Republicans' refusal to vote last year on Barack Obama's Supreme Court nominee Merrick Garland, have the 41 votes required to filibuster Gorsuch. Yet McConnell has vowed to kill the rule and push Trump's nominee through.

The upshot, some say, is devastating. Nuking the filibuster will eliminate an important check on the party in power. "Removing the filibuster for the high court reduces the incentive for presidents dealing with a Senate controlled by their own party to ever nominate a moderate justice," writes U.S. News & World Report's Robert Schlesinger. "[F]orcing the issue over Gorsuch ... would just mean that President Donald Trump could nominate a conservative flame-thrower to replace a Ruth Bader Ginsburg next year and Democrats would be powerless to stop it."

Others argue the rule's demise is long overdue. "The filibuster is utterly out of control," argues Pat Garofalo, also at U.S. News. It's overuse, he says, has made the Senate "a de facto 60-vote body, where next to nothing gets done with a simple majority." In other words, what's the point of winning elections if your agenda is indefinitely impeded? With the filibuster in place, obstructionism will be met with obstructionism, as Democrats plan to do this week, and "on and on it will go," writes Garofalo.

So should the Senate blow up the filibuster for Supreme Court nominees? Here's our Debate Club's take.

Viewpoints

Jamal Greene

Jamal Greene

Kill the Filibuster, Kill Trust in the Court

Jamal Greene is the Dwight Professor of Law at Columbia Law School, where he teaches constitutional law, comparative constitutional law, First Amendment and federal courts. He is the author of more than 30 law review articles and a frequent media commentator on the Supreme Court and on constitutional law.

David Faris

David Faris

Filibuster or Bust

David Faris is chair of the department of political science and public administration at Roosevelt University and author of "Dissent and Revolution in a Digital Age: Social Media, Blogging and Activism in Egypt." Follow him on Twitter: @davidmfaris

Lauren Bell

Lauren Bell

Going Nuclear Will Make Things Worse

Lauren Bell is professor of political science and dean of academic affairs at Randolph-Macon College in Ashland, Virginia. She is the author of "Filibustering in the U.S. Senate" and "Warring Factions: Interest Groups, Money, and the New Politics of Senate Confirmation."

Ethan Leib

Ethan Leib

Trump Can Save the Filibuster

Ethan Leib is a professor of law at Fordham Law School and Thomas Lee is a professor of law at Fordham Law School.

Tags: politics, Supreme Court, Neil Gorsuch

Rachel Brody Associate Editor for Opinion

Rachel Brody is associate editor for opinion at U.S. News & World Report. Email her at rbrody@usnews.com and follow her on Twitter @rachelcbrody.


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