Don't Fear the Dragon
America has to recognize this mind-set. China's national interest and ours overlap more than they-and many of us-realize. We must have a policy of accommodation, not confrontation. We want their help in persuading Kim Jong Il to give up nuclear weapons, so we have to remain sensitive to China's concern that North Korea might collapse and unleash more refugees into China. We must signal support for the country's gradual evolution, show we understand its need for stability. China has adopted a remarkable pragmatism toward its neighbors, notably Russia and India, despite a history of difficult relations.
Taiwan is the last key-and the last remaining symbol of humiliation, such that no Chinese leader can be seen as the one who lost it. The Chinese look to Washington to discourage Taiwan's formal secession and to refrain from selling sophisticated weapons that embolden it to resist political reconciliation and economic integration. Seven American presidents of both parties have recognized China's claim that Taiwan is a part of China.
Fortunately, China is not trying to spread an ideology, unlike what the Soviet Union did and the Islamofascists do today. This should enable us to work together to strengthen regional security, fight terrorism and international crime, and stabilize Afghanistan-and most critically, to stop Iran from acquiring nuclear missiles. Our goal, as Robert Zoellick, then deputy secretary of state put it, is for China to become a "responsible stakeholder" in the world. And in our dealings with this remarkable country, we, above all, must avoid a tone of imperial condescension.
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