Sphere of Influence
In western Afghanistan, the United States tries to counter Iran's deep ties
KHOSAN, AFGHANISTAN—Dotted with goat trails and mud huts, this tiny village 10 miles from the Iranian border is the site of a proxy battle that the U.S. military is waging against Iran for Afghan hearts and minds. The American efforts range from paying for small-scale construction projects that create badly needed local jobs to providing boxes of school supplies. But it is obvious that this is Iran's neighborhood; plaques commemorate Iranian donations that helped build schools and bridges, and brightly decorated "jingo" trucks, teetering and loaded 20 feet tall, cart cement, honey, and other Iranian imports from across the border. The road these trucks drive on was built by Iran, and, more often than not, the fuel in their tanks comes from across the border as well.
Afghan officials say it's vital for the United States to step up its influence in the area. Certainly, Iran has been flexing its muscles here. Afghan officials claim that, just across the border, Iran is operating training camps for opposition forces. And military officials charge that Iran is funneling aid and arms not only to its former Taliban foes but also to Afghan warlords who wield influence in the area and in the Afghan government. Border police point to weapons, including antitank mines, that they have intercepted coming from Iran. "Maybe this is how our friendly neighbors are trying to help us out with ammo," jokes Col. Ramadullah Safi, Herat's chief of border police.
Weapons flow. U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert Gates said last week that he had seen new information that "makes it pretty clear there's a fairly substantial flow of weapons" coming across the border from Iran. The debate has centered on whether the Iranian government itself is responsible or whether the culprits are mainly black market weapons traders. Given the quantities, it is "difficult to believe...that it's taking place without the knowledge of the Iranian government," Gates said, adding that he hasn't seen "any intelligence specifically to this effect." The No. 2 State Department official, Nicholas Burns, went a step further, citing "irrefutable evidence" that the arms shipments were coming from the Iranian government.
The region has long had a love-hate relationship with Iran, where tens of thousands of refugees fled during the Soviet and Taliban years. Last month, Iran forcibly repatriated some 52,000 refugees, straining the fragile economies of border towns. Some senior Afghan officials believe this was done by Iran to make trouble for President Hamid Karzai—and to drive home the point that his government is unable to employ and house the Afghan people.
In small towns along the border, where unemployment is rampant and drug addiction to crystal, a form of opium, is on the rise, local government officials in desperate need of services are urging the U.S. military to become even more involved in their communities. "They tell us, 'Hey, Iran's here, they're working in our area—you need to show that you're here, too,'" says Army Capt. Ray Gilmore, the civil affairs officer for U.S. military forces in Herat. Other officials add that some towns and leaders exploit the tensions between the two countries. "They'll play us off each other," says one senior U.S. military official. "We hear, 'Iran has done this. What are you going to do?'"
The city of Herat, the capital of the province, is the wealthiest in Afghanistan today, thanks in large part to Iranian goods and services. Once upon a time, Herat was an oasis town renowned for rich soil that produced lush gardens, cornfields, and vineyards. Today, it remains a transit point with strong historic ties to Iran. Officials estimate that one third of the town lived in Iran at some point during the Soviet and Taliban years, and the vast majority of residents are fluent in Farsi, the language of Iran. Shopkeeper Abdullah Ahmad glances around at the goods in his store—the loose tea, rice, sandals, and toys. Everything here, he says, comes from buying trips he takes to Iran.
Jobs wanted. The lines in front of the Iranian Embassy most mornings are a testament to the high unemployment rate in Afghanistan today—and to the number of Afghans who have consequently found jobs in Iran. Afghans say they are in desperate need of local factories that will allow them to produce their own goods and provide a much-needed source of employment for young people looking for something to do. But among locals and high-ranking officials alike, suspicion remains that Iran is trying to prevent that from happening. "They don't want us to build factories because they want to send their junk here to sell," says border police chief Safi. "Iran is often interfering, because they don't want to see a strong Afghanistan."
U.S. officials, too, are being warned about consequences to a lack of local jobs and industry. A local leader in Khosan does not mince words: "If they are jobless and have nothing to do, I'm sure they'll just start working for the Taliban and al Qaeda."
Aware of such dynamics, the U.S. military has launched small-scale civil engineering projects throughout western Afghanistan that have allowed it to employ entire villages for six months at a time rebuilding dams and irrigation systems. Where in the past U.S. military officials tried to step back and let the Afghan government take credit, they are now not averse to taking some credit themselves, to show local communities that America cares. In one area recently, an Afghan general was currying favor with locals by passing out school supplies donated from America. U.S. military officials decided, for example, that they should pass out more of the supplies themselves.
At Camp Stone, a forward operating base in Herat, members of a U.S. military mentoring team set out for a visit to Khosan. They plan to check out some recent U.S.-sponsored engineering initiatives and provide some much-needed medical checkups for locals. But their most important mission is to gauge the extent of any lingering resentments in the village after a flare-up caused by tensions on the border.
Iranian fuel trucks had been rolling into Afghanistan, creating an illicit source of income for villagers in Afghan border towns who siphoned off some fuel from the trucks to sell for profit—a bit of corruption that they justified as "local taxes." Children with purple lips sucked fuel into hoses to dump into containers and sell. This month, the Afghan government stepped in to stop the practice, which triggered demonstrations in Khosan by villagers upset about losing that source of income—and the cheap Iranian fuel.
At the premission briefing, the American soldiers are warned to be careful in their driving and intelligence gathering. "We can ruin this whole mission in a pair of seconds," says Col. Barry Searle, the senior U.S. adviser for Afghan security forces in western Afghanistan. "We don't want to squash any school kids." Another officer tells the gunners in the humvees to be friendly and wave often at the villagers while staying alert for clues of trouble. "If we're waving our hands off and they're not waving back," he says, "we need to know that."
They are greeted warmly in Khosan by a senior local official. But he has complaints that go beyond the fuel dispute. Refugees forcibly repatriated from Iran have been pouring into town. As a result, Khosan has tripled in size in a month. "We want to put a strong emphasis on this area," Searle assures him, "and assist the population in getting jobs and projects." The local official agrees. "If we have more projects, the people of the village will be happy. If not, they will go to Iran. Or," he adds in ominous warning, "do activities against the government."
Warlords. And they aren't the only ones that Afghans believe could make trouble. Afghan officials say they have evidence that Iran is supporting local warlords with trained men and arms. The current minister of energy, former warlord Ismael Khan, once held considerable power in Herat. Today, it is clear that he still does, says a senior U.S. official, who believes that Khan's supporters are angling to bring him back into power in Herat, perhaps as governor—a move, he adds, that could be destabilizing for the Afghan government.
Also destabilizing has been the flood of refugees—some 2,000 per day earlier this year—along with concerns about operatives flowing in from Iran with them. Border police have brought in teams of village elders to question refugees with suspicious or nonexistent documentation (who make up the majority of returning refugees). "They say they are from a certain district," says Safi. "So we ask them things about their area that they will only know if they are Afghan."
But border police are scarce. Safi estimates that his force is about 400 police officers short. "The government asks me to do a lot, but there aren't enough police or checkpoints to do all of the operations," he says. "It's a big border."
Provincial police chief Maj. Gen. Ekramuddin Yawar says he has put in a request with the national Ministry of the Interior for more support for border surveillance and intelligence but adds that there is no word yet. "Maybe we don't have the budget for it, but it's necessary. Iran is right there," he says. "And we have to stand in front of them."
This story appears in the June 25, 2007 print edition of U.S. News & World Report.