The Evolution of John Edwards
The smiling centrist of 2004 is now a growling populist. Does he know what Democrats want?
"Edwards has a clarity of message that the other candidates don't have," says a former adviser to President Bill Clinton. Adds a strategist for another Democratic hopeful in '08: "Because he's not a front-runner, he's willing to take more risks. Edwards is being more strident as he moves to the left. His problem is that people aren't looking for the loudest voice or the most strident voice but someone who will make things work."
Yet Edwards is pressing ahead. He's increasingly aggressive in attacking Bush's record and, in some cases, offering bold policy prescriptions (interview, Page 36). He told U.S. News that Bush's economic policies "are not working. ... The positive fruits of growth are not being shared by the American people at large. They're only being shared by large corporations and, if I can put this in simplest terms, those with capital and a high level of education." He favors increasing taxes on the wealthiest Americans, and overhauling "our dysfunctional healthcare system, which puts so much pressure on the middle class and working poor in this country."
His left-of-center strategy has started to cause a few problems. Edwards's attempt to woo liberals via the Internet, for example, sparked fierce criticism from Roman Catholic activists when he hired liberal bloggers Amanda Marcotte and Melissa McEwan for his campaign, even though they had written vulgar diatribes against conservative Catholics. Edwards refused to fire them, although he expressed disagreement with their more extreme views. Marcotte and McEwan ended up resigning anyway.
In the past, insurgent candidates like Edwards have tended to flash and fade in Democratic primaries-think Howard Dean in 2004, Bill Bradley in 2000, Paul Tsongas in 1992, and Gary Hart in 1984. But there have been a few successes-Jimmy Carter in 1976 and George McGovern in 1972.
Directions. This cycle, Edwards hopes to ride a wave of liberal anger and generalized dissatisfaction. Seven out of 10 Americans, after all, say the country is going in the wrong direction. He and his strategists believe it's vital to win at least three of the first four presidential tests in January 2008-especially the Iowa caucuses, which are first on the nominating calendar, and the opening primary in New Hampshire. Edwards is a frequent visitor to Iowa, where he has a strong organization and leads in some polls or is among the front-runners, with Clinton. He is counting on the crossover votes of independents in New Hampshire for a win there. He also is popular with the large organized labor bloc in Nevada, which holds a caucus between those two major states. After these three contests comes the primary in South Carolina, where Edwards was born; he won there in 2004. Edwards claims he would be the most electable candidate in the general election and says he can raise $45 million to $50 million this year, probably the minimum needed for a serious campaign. Last week, he gave a couple of speeches on healthcare but spent most of his time at private fundraisers in California, Florida, Nevada, and Oklahoma.
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