Hill Scrum Blues
The voters spoke loudly, but Congress may have heard something different
A few people gave Pelosi a pass, portraying her stand as more about loyalty and symbolism. Mickey Edwards, a former Republican congressman from Oklahoma, noted that she had long been vocal about how comfortable she was with Murtha but said that "doesn't mean she doesn't care about ethics standards." Democrats argued that the brawl was just an inside-the-beltway kerfuffle. "I don't think anyone will remember [in January]," said Rep. Jerrold Nadler of New York.

Republicans also stuck to their old ways-even to the extent of bringing back the once-disgraced Sen. Trent Lott of Mississippi. GOP senators prized his vote-counting and legislative acumen and awarded him their No. 2 spot, minority whip, choosing to forgive his remarks four years ago at a birthday party for Strom Thurmond, where Lott suggested the country would have been better off had the senator who supported segregation won the presidency in 1948.
Reform? Republicans soundly rejected the hard right wing of the party and elected Reps. John Boehner and Roy Blount to the top posts in the House. "Republicans need to ... rededicate ourselves to the reform mind-set that put us in the majority 12 years ago," Boehner said. But some wondered whether Boehner and Blunt had much claim to a reform mantle; critics say both have been cozy with K Street lobbyists. The losers were Reps. Mike Pence of Indiana and John Shadegg of Arizona, who had campaigned on fiscal discipline, fighting earmarks, and reclaiming the principles that led to the party's victory in 1994. Some argue that Pence and Shadegg were too conservative for the moderates and independents who may hold the key to future elections. Taken altogether, "This is like the Republicans staring at the elections and turning up the volume and still hearing nothing," says Tom Schaller, political scientist at the University of Maryland-Baltimore County. "It's just crazy."
So now what? Republican leaders say they might try to slow down the Democrats' fast-track legislative agenda. Among the GOP options: Refuse to take up key legislation, including appropriations bills, in the current lame duck session, which would saddle Democrats with tough dollars-and-cents choices early next year. Or Republicans could make the unlikely move of passing a minimum wage bill of their own, in an attempt to make an end-run around one of the Democrats' chief legislative goals.
For Democrats, the next test is whom Pelosi picks to lead the influential intelligence committee. She has said she might skip over Rep. Jane Harman, the next in line for the post, and consider Rep. Alcee Hastings, a former federal judge who was acquitted by a jury but impeached by the House and convicted by the Senate for conspiring to take $150,000 in bribes in a case he heard on the bench. Pelosi's pick may determine how willing rank-and-file Democrats are to follow her cue. And then there will be the most important issue of all-the war in Iraq-when all eyes will be on who takes up the mantle of change for the Democrats. Pelosi may still want Murtha to carry the Democrats' ball on Iraq, even in light of his loss last week. "He is the face of redeployment, and I think he'll continue to be," said Rep. Kendrick Meek of Florida. Whether that's good for the Democrats remains to be seen.
With Paul Bedard
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