The World
Stop It, Really. We Mean It. Or Else
With international attention momentarily diverted to North Korea's nuclear weapons test, Iran defiantly moved ahead with its U.N.-banned nuclear program. Iranian scientists reportedly are starting up operations of a second 164-unit centrifuge cascade to enrich uranium for use in a nuclear reactor or, potentially, a bomb. So far, Iran has produced just a tiny amount of uranium enriched to reactor fuel levels and remains years-and some major technical hurdles-away from bomb-making capabilities. Still, the start-up of the second cascade comes less than two months after the U.N. Security Council's August 31 deadline to cease all enrichment or face international sanctions.
So far, the United States is facing slow going in getting an accord to punish Tehran. The Bush administration is wrangling with key European allies on language that might be acceptable to Russia and China. The United States and Europeans want a sanctions regime that would bar technical or financial dealings that could benefit Iran's nuclear program, including a visa ban and asset freeze for Iranian scientists and others involved in nuclear activities. But it appears nearly certain that the cost of getting Moscow's buy-in will be to allow Russia to continue its billion-dollar construction contract for Iran's first civilian nuclear power plant at Bushehr, creating a sanctions loophole. The European draft measure would require specific Security Council authorization for any shipment of nuclear fuel for the Bushehr reactor.
Flashback: the Bomb of '94
Still on the subject of Iran, prosecutors in Argentina are placing blame on "the highest authorities" of the then government in Tehran for the 1994 Jewish Center bombing in Buenos Aires that killed 85 people and injured more than 200. Prosecutors are seeking arrest orders for former Iranian President Hashemi Rafsanjani and seven others, alleging that they plotted to have Lebanon-based Hezbollah stage the bombing, the worst terrorist attack ever in Argentina.
Rafsanjani, Iran's president from 1989 to 1997, remains a key political figure as head of the Expediency Discernment Council, a powerful body to resolve policy differences between the government and the clerics who must approve all government actions. An Iranian diplomat said that the allegations are unfounded and that prosecutors are looking for a "scapegoat."
One Man, One Vote-Saudi Style
For half a century, the sons of Abdul Aziz Al-Saud, the warrior-founder of Saudi Arabia, have succeeded to the throne in an opaque but orderly process. But that generation is getting on in years. King Fahd died last year at age 82. Current King Abdullah is 81, and his designated successor, Crown Prince Sultan, is 77. Brothers-in-waiting include Interior Minister Prince Nayef and Riyadh governor Prince Salman, both in their 70s.
With their advancing age, a big question has been how and when succession will pass to the next generation-some 6,000 Saudi princes, including dozens, if not more, considered possible heirs to the throne. Can they avoid the infighting, factionalism, and palace intrigue that could endanger their grip on the world's greatest oil wealth? Hence King Abdullah's decision to put post-Sultan succession in the hands of a new "Allegiance Institution," composed of sons and grandsons of the late King Abdul Aziz (though the law, oddly, doesn't specify how many of them will be in the new body). At times of succession, they will meet "behind closed doors" to select a crown prince by "secret ballot" from among the king's nominees or, in a further break with tradition, someone else if the nominees are rejected.
The new group also is empowered to determine that an ailing king is incapable of performing his duties and then to declare the crown prince as king-a provision intended to avoid a repeat of the experience with King Fahd, who remained king in title despite being incapacitated by a stroke in 1995.
Move Over, Nobel Peace Prize
Too often, African leaders seem to do the best for themselves by doing the worst for their nations through corruption, repression, and cruel indifference. Mo Ibrahim aims to change that. The Britain-based cell-phone entrepreneur-who was born in Sudan-is using some of his self-made fortune to fund a rich annual prize for good governance and another all-too-rare practice in Africa: a willingness to relinquish power. Each leader awarded the $5 million prize-larger than the $1.4 million Nobel Peace Prize-receives payments over 10 years after leaving office (and $200,000 a year thereafter for life). Winners will be chosen based on criteria developed by Robert Rotberg, a professor at Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government. Among those applauding: Nelson Mandela, Kofi Annan, Bill Clinton, and Tony Blair. The first winner is to be named late next year.
With Associated Press
This story appears in the November 6, 2006 print edition of U.S. News & World Report.