House of Horrors
OK, maybe not horrors exactly, but things on Capitol Hill are pretty bad, and there's not much reason to think they'll get better
Elected officials now rely more than ever on lobbyists-and their clients-to help them raise the cash they need to run. The amount of money given to candidates by big money interests-including corporations, unions, and lobbyists-increased to $1.7 billion in 2004 from $319 million in 1990. "The reason some of us end up at dinner with some of these people is not because we enjoy their company," Sen. Dick Durbin, Democrat of Illinois, said, referring to lobbyists, "but because we need their help." And help they do. Abramoff, for example, directed his Indian tribe clients to donate more than $5 million to Republicans and Democrats.
Polarized Politics
The increasing ideological polarization between the two parties is further thwarting Congress's ability to do its job. Political scientists say the country's growing blue-red divide is partly responsible. But they also say congressional relationships grew more shrill in 1994, when the Republicans regained control of the House after being marginalized for decades and after talk radio became such a powerful political force. "Every issue now," says Ornstein of the American Enterprise Institute, "is framed in political terms."
Which is why Congress spent so much time this year debating politicized issues like flag burning and gay marriage but didn't work across the aisle and act on issues so many Americans really care about, like health insurance, the budget deficit, and immigration, says Thomas Mann of the Brookings Institution. "Ideological goals and partisan positioning seem clever, but they don't produce real law."
Cleaning Up the Mess
Watchdog groups say there are remedies that could put Congress back on the right track. For example: banning gifts, meals, and privately funded travel. Reformers are also pressing to limit contributions from lobbyists and strengthen enforcement of campaign finance laws. But the key change, experts say, would be creation of a new independent ethics enforcement office that could investigate complaints and issue subpoenas.
In January, after the Abramoff scandal broke and Cunningham pleaded guilty, it seemed as if the moment for reform had arrived. Hastert pledged to overhaul the rules and ban privately funded trips. But the reforms that passed the House focused only on lobbying disclosure and curbing earmarks. The Senate went a little further by banning gifts and meals. And now momentum on reconciling the two bills has stalled, and the chances of anything passing before the midterm election look bleak.
Congress has taken action in the past. In 2002, it passed the McCain-Feingold campaign-finance law. Some lawmakers say the difference between then and now is that despite the current scandals, the Iraq war and national security dominate the agenda. "It's just hard for it to get the attention that it was able to get when the international scene was much calmer," says Sen. Russ Feingold, Democrat of Wisconsin. What will it take to get Congress to get tough on itself? "Even greater scandals," says Feingold. The defeat of a few incumbents probably wouldn't hurt either. Now there's a reason to get out and vote.
With Dan Gilgoff
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