Falling Stock
George Bush wants to run his presidency like a business, but critics say the bottom line is not encouraging
In A Charge to Keep, his autobiography, Bush defined his governing philosophy. "I put a lot of faith and trust in my staff," he wrote. "I look for people who are smart and loyal and who share my conservative philosophy. My job is to set the agenda ... and then delegate much of the process to them. The final decision often rests with me, but their judgment has a big influence." He also admitted, "I am loyal to my friends, so it is sometimes hard to say no."
Friends. Perhaps that's the problem. "Personal loyalty plays an enormous role in this administration," Rutgers political scientist Ross Baker told U.S. News. "One of the things a CEO has to do is make tough personnel decisions. He hasn't made any of them." Baker says Bush, more than most presidents, is "dependent on personal friends and confidants . ... It's almost tribal."
Bush isn't the first president to adopt the pyramidal CEO style. Dwight Eisenhower combined the chain-of-command system he learned as a career soldier with the hierarchies prized by business executives whom he respected. Ike has been derided for delegating too much power, but some historians, including Princeton's Fred Greenstein, say the unassuming Eisenhower was more involved in day-to-day operations than he let on in public. Greenstein called it the "hidden-hand presidency."
Ronald Reagan was also known for delegating and allowed a handful of powerful aides to manage his government for two terms. He had a more clearly defined conservative philosophy than Bush does, developed over years in public life, and it was thus relatively easy for his advisers to devise policy in keeping with the vision. Reagan was also more adept at explaining his views to the country. But Reagan's hands-off approach produced the Iran-contra arms-for-hostages scandal that almost destroyed his presidency--a lesson in the perils of disengagement.
By contrast, Democratic presidents such as Jimmy Carter and Bill Clinton have tended to adopt a less hierarchical style of management. Since they believed in a larger government role in society, they tended to take more personal interest in the details of policy.
Mind guards. Each style carries with it potential pitfalls. "The problem with the CEO style of management," says a Republican who advises the White House, "is there has to be delegation, and it's easy to let it slip too far." Critics say the small group of senior aides who've been given lots of authority may be trying to do too much. These officials--Card, counselor Dan Bartlett, Deputy Chief of Staff and political strategist Karl Rove, Deputy Chief of Staff Joe Hagin--"are also President Bush's personal assistants and spend a great deal of time tending to him ... so the management is weak," says the adviser. Political scientist Baker says these aides seem to be "mind guards" for the president, rather than policymakers, administrators, or thinkers.
And aside from his inner circle, Bush is said to be distant from the rest of his staff, jeopardizing morale. Just as important, many members of Congress complain that they don't get their phone calls returned or their ideas considered in the West Wing. Bush, they say, doesn't reach out to them as other chief executives have done. He rarely invites them over for dinner, to watch a movie, or to attend a reception or party. These are small gestures, but such social interactions lubricate the governmental machinery. In any case, Card argues that Bush consults privately with more nongovernment friends and civic leaders than outsiders realize.
When fellow Republicans complain that Bush is aloof and that the White House staff needs to listen more, the president and his aides respond that things are just fine. "They think raising money for Republican candidates is enough," says a prominent Bush ally who has recently turned critical of the West Wing. "Their attitude is, 'Quit your bitching. We raised $1 million for you.' They won't admit their mistakes or their problems." This kind of hubris rankles even Bush's friends. But there was no course at Harvard Business School in how to make nice with Washington politicians, and no tradition in the Texas oilfields of swallowing one's pride.
With Kim Clark
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