Politics and Perks
Does Congress really want to ban privately funded travel?
Hapuna Beach Prince Hotel is a lovely luxury getaway. Nestled in the bluffs above a sandy beach in Kona, Hawaii, the hotel is perfect for weddings and honeymoons--and apparently for members of Congress attending conferences. In January, the American Association of Airport Executives paid $40,000 for Republican Sen. Trent Lott of Mississippi, who is on an aviation subcommittee, four other lawmakers, and the wives of some of them to go to Kona for a five-day get-together on aviation issues. The list of sponsors included contractors like Boeing and Lockheed Martin. "You'll have an unparalleled opportunity to discuss your ideas and concerns with aviation industry leaders and Washington decision makers," the association said in its invite.
That's the kind of special access that worries government watchdogs. While the excursion was legal, such privately funded jaunts for lawmakers illustrate how interest groups use trips to gain influence in Congress--by paying for members to attend and by providing lobbyists with access to lawmakers. "At dinner ... you are sitting across from a lobbyist from Exxon Mobil or Verizon, and later they pick up the phone and call you and say: Hey, didn't we have a nice time in Italy ... oh, and by the way, you're going to support us on our bill, aren't you?" says Chellie Pingree, president of Common Cause.
Privately funded trips are among the perks from lobbyists that could be banned or limited as part of reform legislation now being debated in Congress. Lawmakers are under pressure to dismantle some of the cozy relations between K Street and Capitol Hill as the result of the ongoing influence scandal involving former superlobbyist Jack Abramoff. But the outcome of the debate is far from certain. The clamor for reform seems to ebb and flow with developments in the Abramoff case, and members on both sides of the aisle are resisting major changes to a system that provides them with all sorts of benefits.
Murky. Abramoff has pleaded guilty to actually bribing lawmakers using a variety of perks, including fancy trips. Current ethics rules prohibit lobbyists from paying directly for lawmakers' trips. But lobbyists' clients and practically anyone else can pay for the trips if they're in connection with "official business." Critics say rules are murky and record keeping lax, making it unclear where the ethical lines are and who paid for the trips. Lobbyists are allowed to go on the trips.
Members of Congress have received almost $20 million from private groups to travel since 2000, according to PoliticalMoneyLine, a nonpartisan research group. More than 600 members of Congress have made over 6,000 privately funded trips since 2000. In January, for instance, the Aspen Institute paid about $86,000 for 12 lawmakers, including Republican Sen. Richard Lugar and Democratic Sen. Barbara Boxer, and the spouses of many of them to go to Punta Mita, Mexico, for a conference on U.S. policy in Latin America. In August 2003, Century Business Services, the parent company of the lobbying firm Kessler & Associates, paid $30,000 for six lawmakers to stay at the Ashford Castle in Ireland for a trade seminar. "Such lavish travel gives lobbyists an inside track with lawmakers ... and could even be interpreted as building the groundwork for legislative favors," says Joan Claybrook, president of Public Citizen.
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