"The best hope for peace in our world is the expansion of freedom in all the world." George W. Bush, January 20, 2005
A Clarion Call To End Tyranny And Spread Freedom Worldwide
It was a day for the true believers--the social conservatives, Christian activists, foreign-policy hawks, and, of course, George W. Bush himself. After taking the oath of office for his second term last week, Bush delivered a 21-minute inaugural address that was as big and blustery as the winter winds that swirled around him on the west front of the Capitol. "All who live in tyranny and hopelessness can know: The United States will not ignore your oppression or excuse your oppressors," he declared. "When you stand for your liberty, we will stand with you." By spreading freedom to other countries, America's freedom will be enhanced, Bush argued, adding: "It is the policy of the United States to seek and support the growth of democratic movements and institutions in every nation and culture, with the ultimate goal of ending tyranny in our world."
Support democracy in every nation, in every culture, and end tyranny all over the world ? Bush appeared to be expanding the already massive mission of his presidency, to win the war on terrorism and challenge the "axis of evil" in Iran, North Korea, and Iraq. It sounded like a fundamental rethinking of traditional American foreign-policy principles. At the very least, it was an unexpectedly provocative speech that had foreign diplomats, academics, and journalists scratching their heads to figure out just what it all meant.
There was plenty to ponder. Some wondered, for instance, where the new Bush Doctrine might lead. Was he suggesting a more belligerent attitude toward China, governed by a dictatorship but moving toward a market-oriented economy? In the direction of Russia, where Vladimir Putin has been moving back to a more authoritarian regime? What about Saudi Arabia and Pakistan, valuable allies but ruled by governments that don't subscribe to western democratic ideals?
The details, White House officials say, will be worked out on a nation-by-nation basis. They pointed out, however, that Bush was articulating broad principles and not aiming to unseat friendly regimes in Pakistan and Saudi Arabia but instead pledging to provide financial and other assistance if they move toward democracy. "This is not primarily the task of arms," Bush said. It is also not a short-term task: "The great objective of ending tyranny is the concentrated work of generations."
Furs and heels. Bush also addressed domestic issues with a similar missionary zeal and a religious conviction that is sure to unsettle his critics. "In America's ideal of freedom," he said, "the public interest depends on private character--on integrity, and tolerance toward others, and the rule of conscience in our own lives. Self-government relies, in the end, on the governing of the self." The president repeated his call for an "ownership society" in which government recedes and citizens take more responsibility for their own lives.
His audience, mostly, lapped it up. Women in fancy furs and high heels tried gamely to navigate icy sidewalks around the Capitol, while men in cashmere coats kept a tight grip on their Stetsons. Among those watching the swearing-in were Kayemille and Joey Goss of Fort Worth, Texas--Kayemille wearing a long coat tipped in fur and Joey sporting a camel-colored trench coat and a dandyish blue-and-yellow tie. "The main thing that inspires us so much about him [Bush]," Joey said, "is that he is a man that listens to God."
Clair Ellis, a 57-year-old retired marine, leaned on his cane as he offered his reasons for backing Bush. "With 9/11 happening nine months after he took office, it cemented in my mind and heart that he was going to be a good president," said Ellis, who wore a big Russian hat to ward off the cold. Bob Robbins, a 60-year-old state senator from Pennsylvania, said, "We are obviously now in the Third World War. Unfortunately, there are some that don't believe this."
And some of them were in Washington last week, too. The inaugural's estimated $40 million cost was seen by some as extravagant, even though most of it was raised from private sources. And many Democrats stayed away, although defeated presidential challenger John Kerry sat stoically about 30 feet from the podium where Bush spoke. Thousands of protesters dramatized their opposition to the Iraq war and other Bush policies with street theater, angry chants as the president's limousine rolled by, and a tossed snowball or two.
Parts of official Washington resembled an armed camp, with 100 square blocks closed off around the White House and the Capitol and security forces everywhere. As Bush's limo crawled down Pennsylvania Avenue for the parade, it was surrounded by police cars and motorcycles, all with lights flashing, and grim-faced Secret Service agents who trotted vigilantly alongside, scanning the crowd. A few blocks from the White House, Bush and his wife, Laura, emerged from their limo, walked a few hundred yards in the open, and greeted their admirers.
Bold. What will perhaps be remembered most, though, were the bold strokes of the president's address. For some hawkish foreign-policy analysts, the speech was cause for celebration. "It was the clearest, most forceful articulation of the organizing principle of American foreign policy, post 9/11," said Danielle Pletka, vice president for foreign and defense policy studies at the American Enterprise Institute. "Freedom is the answer . . . . We're not safe unless you're free."
For others, though, Bush's call for backing democratic movements everywhere is fraught with peril, especially when applied to states whose relationships with America are based on real-world priorities like fighting terror. "It was a sermon, high on rhetoric, low on substance," said Geoffrey Kemp, director of regional strategic programs at the Nixon Center. Preaching democracy, added presidential scholar Robert Dallek, is an American tradition that goes all the way back to Woodrow Wilson. The question, he said, is whether Bush's version of this "civic religion" is compatible with today's world.
Behind the scenes, the president was pleased that so many people seemed impressed with the breadth of his ideas and his willingness to state them so boldly. Said a senior White House aide, "He's not one to sit around." One way or the other, the next four years will tell whether that vision can be made into a reality.
With Dan Gilgoff , Angie C. Marek and Thomas Omestad
This story appears in the January 31, 2005 print edition of U.S. News & World Report.