Is Obama's War on Libya Constitutional?

March 22, 2011 RSS Feed Print
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The most pointed and damning criticism of President Barack Obama’s military excursion into Libya comes not from the peacenik left or the truculent right (who grumble about the Obama being less aggressively hawkish than France, as if a cultural punch-line--the French are militarily inept!--should be a benchmark for war-making). No, the critique that I am interested in hearing President Obama respond to comes from candidate Barack Obama.

[See editorial cartoons about President Obama.]

As a sitting senator and mere would-be president, back in December, 2007, Obama answered a number of questions from my old Boston Globe colleague Charlie Savage about presidential power. Asked about the circumstances under which a president could bomb Iran, Senator Obama gave an unequivocal answer about the limits of presidential authority generally (h/t Glenn Greenwald via Michael Lind):

The President does not have power under the Constitution to unilaterally authorize a military attack in a situation that does not involve stopping an actual or imminent threat to the nation.

As Commander-in-Chief, the President does have a duty to protect and defend the United States. In instances of self-defense, the President would be within his constitutional authority to act before advising Congress or seeking its consent. History has shown us time and again, however, that military action is most successful when it is authorized and supported by the Legislative branch. It is always preferable to have the informed consent of Congress prior to any military action.

This answer is rooted in the fact that while the Constitution puts the president in charge of the armed forces, but gives the war-making power to Congress (note too that Obama said not that the president lacks the authority to go to war, but to authorize any sort of military attack--a fine distinction but one that is being made). So Obama’s 2007 response doesn’t leave much room for bombing Libya, with or without United Nations authorization: No one has argued that bombing Libya deals with an actual or imminent threat to the United States. [See photos of the Obamas behind the scenes.]

Of course circumstances have changed in the nearly three-and-a-half years since Obama released that statement. Specifically his job has changed from legislator trying to succeed a president who resurrected the imperial presidency and shot it up with steroids to actually, you know, being president. And history shows that not matter how good a politician is about limiting executive authority before they enter the White House, they jealously guard and try to expand upon that authority once its theirs. [See photos of the Obamas abroad.]

Greenwald points out in Salon:

The arguments made to justify such unilateral presidential action are uniquely unpersuasive.  Former Bush OLC official and Harvard Law Professor Jack Goldsmith, along with others, points to Clinton's air bombing campaign of Kosovo without Congressional approval, but the mere fact that X happened in the past does not mean X is justifiable; that would be like pointing to FDR's internment of Japanese-Americans to argue that Presidents are constitutionally empowered to imprison American citizens on U.S. soil without due process.

For all that George W. Bush did to imperialize the presidency, he actually took the time to ask Congress for authorization before invading Afghanistan and Iraq. [Take the U.S. News poll: Could Libya turn into the next Iraq?]

Look, I’m not wild about getting militarily involved in a third Muslim country. But I supported Obama’s candidacy on the theory that he had showed good judgment, so I’m willing to give him the benefit of the doubt on this, provided he goes about it constitutionally. And it would be nice in the mean time if some members of Congress beyond the peacenik left (hello Dennis Kucinich) would show a bit of spine and get a straight answer about where the president gets the authority to start bombing other countries. Instead the best we get is the House’s fourth-ranking Democrat, John Larson, worrying that the president is following the letter but not the spirit of the War Powers Act. [Check out a roundup of political cartoons on the Middle East protests.]

Exit question: I thought the Tea Party was all about constitutional original intent and limiting the power of the federal government. Shouldn’t they be leading the defense of Congress’s constitutional role in war-making?

Tags:
national security terrorism and the military,
Dennis Kucinich,
Tea Party,
John Larson,
George W. Bush,
Congress,
War in Afghanistan (2001-),
Constitution,
Iraq war (2003-2011),
Barack Obama,
politics,
military

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There is another issue whether Libya constitutes a humanitarian campaign with no imminent threat to US national security, and therefore the president cannot use his powers within the WPR, which by my best assertions the case is considering Clinton’s attempt and congressional denial of humanitarian aide in Bosnia and Haiti. Although it could be argued that the stability of the Arab world as a whole is a national security interest, my conclusion is that this is not the case.

Furthermore, the fact that congress authorized US entry into NATO does not constitute implicit authority for an NATO sanctioned operations, since NATO requires entry into military action by the country acting to comply with its own constitution and WPR explicitly disclaims an inference from any treaty affecting the powers granted or restricted within the WPR.

In sum, even though it the president does not have either the requisite implied power through "gloss" or the textually committed power to bomb other nations congress cannot use the courts to get an injunction against the president because of the Political Question Doctrine. However, congress still holds the power to yank funding for the bombing campaign in Libya and is probably their only recourse.

This being true, if congress does not act to do this then it constitutes acquiescence, not approval, and would probably push the acquiescence count up to 3 therefore constituting gloss for bombing campaigns, assuming it is considered a threat to national security, for campaigns regarding national security.

younglegalgeezy of TX 6:41PM May 08, 2011

First w/ regards to the Constitution, the document grants the power to congress to declare and fund the wars (focus on such a nuanced distinction between make and declare its only an effort by MrManattee to show that he is a superior constitutional and legal scholar and only serves to confuse the issue, it is obviously apparent that the author of the article intended make to mean declare and furthermore "war-making", which was the quote not make war (attorneys read carefully), logically encompasses both the power to declare and fund wars because each are necessary in making war) Furthermore, sorry to harp on you MrManatee but you assertion that "[a]nyhow, declarations of war are obsolete and the relevant legal text is the war powers resolution of 1973" is erroneous for reasons that I will discuss shortly.

In sum, the Constitution is extremely relevant especially in the inherent (implied) commander in chief power of the president, who's foreign affairs powers are genearlly exclusive and plenary. (See Curtis Wright). However, as already stated the power to declare and fund wars is also textually committed to Congress, and therefore to reach the proper conclusion you must reconcile the two competing powers. To do this you use "gloss" (meaning congressional acquiescence to executive military actions abroad by the president) which has given him implied power to execute military action power abroad, starting after WWII and continuing up to The War Power Resolution.

As to the The War Power's resolution (hereinafter WPR), the act was an attempt by congress to real in the presidents military power abroad granted to him by their acquiescence (gloss) and the Supreme Courts unwillingness to hear these types of cases through the Political Question Doctrine. The pertinent sections of the WPR are quotes within the article. However, what the article and any of the subsequent articles fails to mention is what exactly can the president do under the WPR, or rather what would constitute military action by the president as declaring war and therefore infringe on congressional war declaration power without requesting congressional approval. The WPR DOES NOT APPLY TO FORMAL ACTS OF WAR. Yes, it is true he can only take action in times where attack or national security threat is imminent, but HE CAN ONLY INTRODUCE TROOPS. The president may never make formal acts of war because this is declaring war. Therefore, naval blockades and bombing campaigns are formal acts of war and traditionally require congressional approval. However, "gloss" comes back into the picture, at this point there is only two prior instance of bombing, which was again in Libya, by Reagan in 86, and Clinton in Kosovo, of bombing without approval, and the Supreme Court has ruled that 3 instances of "gloss" gives the president inherent power can give the president inherent power

younglegalgeezy of TX 6:39PM May 08, 2011

The constitution does not give Congress the power to make war. It gives Congress the power to declare war. It is a fine but deliberate distinction; James Madison actually changed it from 'make war' to allow the executive branch some degree of freedom in military actions.

Anyhow, declarations of war are obsolete and the relevant legal text is the war powers resolution of 1973.

mrmanatee of TX 4:56AM April 12, 2011

Robert Schlesinger

Robert Schlesinger

Robert Schlesinger is managing editor for opinion at U.S. News and World Report, overseeing all opinion editorial content. He is the author of "White House Ghosts: Presidents and Their Speechwriters." E-mail him at rschlesinger@usnews.com. Follow him on Twitter: @rschles.

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