Why the Filibuster is a Problem

January 25, 2010 RSS Feed Print
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By Robert Schlesinger, Thomas Jefferson Street blog

I devoted my column this week to tracing how the filibuster has changed over the last 50 years and why our perception of it doesn't quite synch up with reality. In brief, the filibuster is used in a radically different way now than it was as recently as the 1950s and 1960s. The filibuster has always been an important tool to help protect the rights of the minority in the U.S. Senate (and it remains one of the things that distinguishes the Senate from the House). But historically it was a big gun that was rarely used. A couple of things changed in the '60s and '70s, however, which made it easier to both manage a filibuster and also to break one. First Senate procedures were changed so that a filibuster would stall a single bill, but not bring the chamber to a halt; second the number of votes required to break a filibuster was lowered from 67 to 60. Starting around 20 years ago, the number of filibusters--which had been drifting up anyway--dramatically increased.

There's been some debate about whose to blame for the rise in filibusters, but as Senate historian Don Ritchie told me last week, "It's really not a Republican Party position and a Democratic Party position, it's a minority party position and a majority party position." In other words whichever party has the majority dislikes the filibuster and whichever one is out of power loves it.

But it's gotten out of control. What was once a rarely used tool is now the rule of the day: In the last Congress (2007-2008), an astonishing 70 percent of major legislation was filibustered. Protecting the rights of the party out of power is important, but that principle is being abused, and to the detriment of the republic. At some point protecting the rights of the minority party morphed into granting them a veto over the legislative agenda--and leaving the majority in a position of accountability without power.

And part of the problem is, I think, perception: Most people, recalling Jimmy Stewart as Mr. Smith and Strom Thurmond as the voice of segregation assume that the filibuster is being used the way it always has been. But they have to learn that it is not. Its use has changed and it's pernicious. Again, you can read my column for the details.

 

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The way I see it, the party using the filibuster should actually be required to blabber away with cots in the offices and floor votes every 1/2 hour at 4 in the morning like the real filibusters of old.

These filibusters we have now are way too easy. Filibusters would be rare if they had to actually involve follow-through.

Dan of MD 12:09PM January 27, 2010

...just the threat of same. I challenge your assertion that the 07-08 Congress had 70% of its legislation filibustered.

I'll go along the threat of filibuster.

Can anyone produce evidence of any filibuster since the 1960s?

Brad Morrison of TX 8:14AM January 27, 2010

If one accepts the premise that Obama, Pelosi, Reid, and the Democratic left have succeeded in guaranteeing themselves perpetual majorities in the Senate etc., then the left's attempts to eliminate the filibuster, and otherwise make it easier to ram through relatively unpolular, purely partisan rules changes and bills, then it makes sense for the left to push this. The Republicans, having, not so long ago, created the delusion of their own assured control, played with such "nuclear option," too. It would have been a disaster for them if they had pulled it off, and it could become one for the Democrats in time, too.

There is, of course, a difference between an actual filibuster and the realization that you don't have enough votes to ram your bill or nominee through over objection.

A lot of people who voted for Obama and Democratic Senators--or against McCain and Republicans--may have wanted a health care bill but not the particularly smelly sausage-making payoff process we've seen, much less what we haven't, or the kind of sour sausage that the published House and Senate pork grindings have revealed to date, much less what we might well get out of the secret "reconciliation" process without our Republican Senators or the people having any access to the process.

I'm retired, live in a small town and county, and am on Medicare and Medicaid, and the versions of these bills, and positions and proposals by those likely to be appointed, without Senate confirmation, to make the real decisions on coverage, cuts, etc., that have come out, even in leading liberal, pro-Obama media, should be stopped by all lawful or non-violent means.

Peter Chamberlain of TX 6:48PM January 26, 2010

Robert Schlesinger

Robert Schlesinger

Robert Schlesinger is managing editor for opinion at U.S. News and World Report, overseeing all opinion editorial content. He is the author of "White House Ghosts: Presidents and Their Speechwriters." E-mail him at rschlesinger@usnews.com. Follow him on Twitter: @rschles.

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