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Richard Reeves
Tweet Share on Facebook January 9, 2006 CommentI've been reading Richard Reeves for 30 years now and continue to admire his writing, though we tend to see things differently in many respects. Here's his column on the Jack Abramoff scandal, which I heartily recommend. He begins with his life growing up in Jersey City.
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The Anglosphere and economic freedom
Tweet Share on Facebook January 9, 2006 CommentMy post last week on the Wall Street Journal/Heritage Foundation 2006 Index of Economic Freedom, and the predominance of the Anglosphere among the most free nations, have prompted an interesting response from James Bennett, who coined the term Anglosphere, on his Albion's Seedling blog. I heartily recommend Bennett's book, The Anglosphere Challenge. Here is the concluding paragraph of his blog post:
"What is it about the Anglosphere that permits its people to form large federations of states with strong civil societies, absorb large numbers of immigrants, and prosper? The short answer is probably something like 'A fifteen-hundred-year history of flexible institutions that are particularly good at capturing the "wisdom of crowds," a tradition of individualism, enterprise, and risk-taking, a high radius of social trust, the ability to spin these characteristics into strong civil societies, and a long history of people expanding and forming institutions of self-government wherever they go.' Many other people have had some or most of these characteristics; it is just that they have never elsewhere all been put together in exactly this package. As we can see once again by the Heritage report, its effectiveness stands out starkly over a wide range of metrics."
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So much for democracy
Tweet Share on Facebook January 9, 2006 CommentHere's James Risen, the New York Times reporter who coauthored the paper's December 16 story on NSA surveillance of foreign terrorists, flogging his new book on the Today show. He presents an interesting theory of governance.
Risen: Well, II think that during a period from about 2000from 9/11 through the beginning of the gulfthe war in Iraq, I think what happened was youwethe checks and balances that normally keep American foreign policy and national security policy towards the center kind of broke down. And you had more of a radicalization of American foreign policy in which thethethe career professionals were not really given a chance to kind of forge a consensus within the administration. And so you had thethethe principlesRumsfeld, Cheney and Tenet and Rice and many otherswho were meeting constantly, setting policy and really never allowed the people who understandthe experts who understand the region to have much of a say.
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Recent writings
Tweet Share on Facebook January 9, 2006 CommentHere's my U.S. News column for this week. It's on the Canadian and Mexican elections this year; Canada votes later this month and Mexico in July. These elections are not headline news in the United States, but they're important to us and, I thought, deserved some notice. I wrote it in part because I think there's an interesting symmetry in the party politics of these two otherwise quite different countries. Here's another piece by Jorge Castaneda, who was Vicente Fox's first foreign minister and who has written widely and smartly on politics in Mexico and Latin America. / He grew up as part of the longtime-ruling PRI elite (his father was foreign minister too), supported the PRD in the 1990s, and backed PAN's Vicente Fox in 2000; more recently he announced he was running as an independent candidate for president in this year's election, but his candidacy doesn't seem to have gained any traction (I'm not clear on whether he's still running). His most fascinating book, I think, is Perpetuating Power: How Mexican Presidents Are Chosen, on how Mexican presidents under the old PRI system selected their successors. His old PRI connections enabled him to interview four living former presidentsLuis Echeverria, Jose Lopez Portillo, Miguel de la Madrid, and Carlos Salinas de Gortarion how each was chosen by his predecessor and how each in turn chose his successor (Salinas's choice, Luis Donaldo Colosio, was assassinated during the 1994 campaign). The system no longer exists; the last PRI president, Ernesto Zedillo, left the choice of PRI nominee up to a primary in 1999, and the PRI candidate lost to Fox. Had Castaneda not conducted his interviews, history would not know the almost Shakespearean stories of how these more or less all-powerful men chose their more or less all-powerful successors. Perpetuating Power is, unfortunately, an abridgment of the Spanish original, La Herencia, which I wish I could read. On current politics, Castaneda takes a more negative view of Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, the front-running candidate in the polls in Mexico, than I do, and it's a view I take seriously. The question is whether Lopez Obrador would be the kind of center-left president the United States can live with comfortably, as Brazil's Lula da Silva has turned out to be, or a more dangerous demagogue.
I also wrote an opinion article for last Friday's Wall Street Journal on K Street; the Journal put it online Sunday. I'll have more to say on the Jack Abramoff scandal, Tom DeLay's decision not to try to regain the majority leadership, and the race for that post in the days ahead.
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Population growth 1980-2005
Tweet Share on Facebook January 9, 2006 Comment (1)Because I recently wrote a column on the lessons of the past 25 years and because I also recently wrote in this blog on population growth from 2000 to 2005, based on the Census Bureau's recently released 2005 state population estimates, I thought I would take a look at the states' population growth over the past 25 years, from 1980 to 2005. The comparisons are between the 1980 census and the 2005 estimates.
I find the comparison especially interesting because we were told by so many experts in the years around 1980 that America's best days were behind us and that we could look forward to little more than stagnation. It hasn't turned out that way. The nation's population rose 31 percent between 1980 and 2005, from 226 million to 296 million. But growth was uneven. Only a few states grew at about the national average percentage rate: Maryland (33), Hawaii (32), and Tennessee (30). Some grew much more: Nevada (202that's not a misprint) and Arizona (119) more than doubled; growth was robust as well in Florida (83), Utah (69), Georgia (66), Alaska (65), Colorado (61), Texas (61), California (53), and Washington (52). Two states, West Virginia (-7) and North Dakota (-2), and the District of Columbia (-14) lost population.

