Tuesday, November 24, 2009

Opinion

Barack Obama Faces 8 Global National Security Challenges

Posted December 15, 2008
Barack Obama and top U.S. military commander in Iraq, David Petraeus, take a helicopter ride over Sadr City.
Barack Obama and top U.S. military commander in Iraq, David Petraeus, take a helicopter ride over Sadr City.
US Army soliders return from a patrol in Paktika province, situated along the Afghan-Pakistan border.
US Army soliders return from a patrol in Paktika province, situated along the Afghan-Pakistan border.

Transnational terrorism poses a sixth global trend. Stateless actors can inflict unprecedented damage, and we must be on our guard against catastrophic terrorism. Meanwhile, we will have to brace ourselves for conventional terror strikes, not just from al Qaeda central and the general Salafi jihadist movement but also by aggrieved local groups, as a still-simmering Mumbai reminds. But passion is not strategy, and overreaction strengthens terrorists. Extensive use of military force will make our strongest instrument the leading liability.

Seventh, the character of war is changing. Low-level uses of force and greater civil-military integration, whether to interdict traffickers or conduct humanitarian operations, are becoming more necessary. Meanwhile, "modern" wars in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Lebanon have produced a renaissance in counterinsurgency and irregular warfare. In the future, capable opponents may seek to pursue "hybrid warfare"—combining conventional, irregular, and catastrophic forms of warfare. Hedging against potential peer competitors means balancing immediate demands with future requirements, not least with respect to conventional forces and space power.

An eighth trend shaping tomorrow's security environment is the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. Our worst fears regarding mass-disruption weapons have not been realized, but important developments have made it increasingly possible that nuclear or biological weapons may be used in the coming years. Iran's prospective status as a nuclear "threshold" state may be the leading indicator that suggests that we are on the verge of a second nuclear age. Meanwhile, there is a growing danger that flourishing life sciences may spawn uncontrolled biological agents.

There is nothing foreordained about another American Century. Constraints on the nation's resources preclude costly trial and error. Global order is not something managed on a budget. The Obama administration will be hard pressed to manage global disorder without a game-changing strategy. Here are five pathways to initiate recalibration.

  • Heal thyself. To a remarkable degree, security hinges on America having its house in order. A stable economy is Step 1. Restoring legitimacy will lower U.S. transaction costs around the world. Americans need to export hope, not fear, preparing as much for a long search for peace and prosperity rather than just a long war. Over time, better national education is the prerequisite for joining a globalized world.
  • Redefine problems. Ends should be realistic. In seeking to transform a region, one is more likely to be transformed; in a quixotic search for definitive victory or permanent peace, one is more apt to hasten exhaustion and failure. Preventing a 9/11 sequel is hard, but it need not produce bankruptcy. A broader definition of security will be needed, recognizing emerging interrelationships, for instance, among energy, the environment, food, and climate change.
  • Surge civilians. Complex challenges require a larger whole-of-government team of national security professionals, with particular new investments in diplomats and development specialists, as well as the arts of planning, implementation, and assessment. It's time to construct a serious civilian expeditionary corps for complex operations, including conflict prevention. A permanent surge of civilian capacity within the career bureaucracy might enhance government's ability to be more strategic, better trained, and more integrated.
  • Countermobilize. The United States can use its considerable standing to mobilize emerging power centers into action through bilateral alliances and coalitions of the willing but also through multilateral institutions. Only a multitude of actors have a chance of tackling complex challenges. Some problems can become opportunities around which society and international actors may be catalyzed into action. For example, when it comes to countering a general threat such as terrorism, the most important partners are Muslims, who are best placed to marginalize a radical Salafi jihadist ideology.

Reader Comments

US Policy against terrorism

This is interesting articale on challenges that US faces in terms of terrorism. What US has failed to recognize over the period of time is that there cant be half measures in tackling terrorism. When it comes to Pakistan, it is absolutely baffling to see US being satisfied with what Pak has done in dismantling terror camps. Pakistan continues to be epicentre of world terrorism, India has been in line of fire for years and US will realize probably shortly that by not heeding to Indian advices what a great harm it has done to it's interests.

Barack Obama's 8 Global National Security Challenges

What a relief! We've gotten past violent Islamic extremism. I guess I

was on a day off when Dr. Cronin solved that little problem.

Nice ideas lacking a holistic model for the substance of governance

This is a clever article, all of it sensible. However, it is completely lacking--as was the recent publication of the GLOBAL TRENDS 2025 by the Director of National Intelligence, in a holistic analytic model. There are ten high level threats to humanity, and terrorism is 9th on that list. There are twelve policies directly relevant to preventing and containing terrorism, and not only of them, other than security, is mentioned. There are eight challengers--Brazil, China, India, Indonesia, Iran, Russia, Venezuela, and Wild Cards (e.g. Congo, Malaysia, Turkey), and nothing the US does will matter unless we create solutions that can be of compelling attractiveness to the eight challengers.

The primary problem with this incoming Administration, as with others since the demise of democracy in the USA, is twofold:

1) The Republican and Democratic parties have hijacked the US Government, which has betrayed the public trust and can no longer be trusted. Electoral Reform, restoring the fullness of one man-one vote and the diversity of debate, is a non-negotiable first step, or the USA will--as one prominent Russian political scientist has suggested--soon follow the Soviet Union into the disassembly line.

2) The US Intelligence Community stinks. I beat the hell out of them in front of the Aspin-Brown Commission, producing more actionable intelligence, all of it unclassified, with six telephone calls, than the entire $50 billion a year community. My findings were immediate, free, and relevant. The DNI and the rest of them are good people trapped in a bad system with no inclination to leave their prison--the Stockholm Syndrome. The incoming President needs a national intelligence community that is truly national. I have proposed to the transition team that Colin Powell be made Secretary-General for Education, Intelligence, and Research, with Derek Bok as Secretary of Education, a broadly experienced intelligence professional as Secretary of Intelligence, and E. O. Wilson as Secretary of Research. The secret intelligence budget of $60-75 billion a year needs to be cut in half, and on the way down, it should be used as the bill-payer for education and research.

The National Security Community in the USA needs to rediscover holistic strategic thinking. "It's all connected." And by the by, Lester Brown, Medard Gabel, and E. O. Wilson among others, have all documented that we can create a prosperous world at peace for one third the cost of what we all spend on war. Show me a DNI that can explain THAT to the President-elect, and I will show you a Smart Nation capable of leading all others toward heaven on earth.

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