Myanmar Allows Foreign Aid Workers, McCain Releases Medical Records, and More
Myanmar's Generals Agree to Admit More Foreign Aid Workers
In a dramatic policy reversal, the military government in Myanmar has finally agreed to allow all foreign aid workers to enter the country and assist with the response to the humanitarian crisis caused by Cyclone Nargis, U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon said this morning. "This agreement can produce results. And the implementation will be the key," Ban said during a news conference in Yangon, the country's second-largest city. "I believe they will honor their promise." Since the cyclone hit on May 2, the government has all but prevented foreign aid workers from gaining access to most victims and distributing badly needed supplies and food. The government on Friday did not immediately confirm the U.N. announcement, but Ban told reporters that the leaders have agreed to allow "unhindered access to affected areas." At least 78,000 people have been confirmed dead because of the cyclone. An additional 56,000 are missing, and humanitarian agencies warn that 2.5 million more are at high risk of starvation, malnutrition, or disease.
Health Records for Sen. John McCain
Sen. John McCain's recent medical records were released, and the 1,173 pages of documents, spanning the past eight years of his life, show that the presumptive Republican presidential nominee, who is 71, is in very good health for a man his age. McCain, who has had three occurrences of melanoma skin cancer in the past (1993, 2000, and 2002), is currently cancer free, though he does get precancerous lesions removed frequently as a precautionary measure. His heart is also in good condition, the records show. "I think physiologically he is considerably younger than his chronologic age based on his cardiovascular fitness," John Eckstein, McCain's physician, said Thursday.
A Court Ruling Favors Polygamy Sect
More than 400 children who were removed in April from the compound of a radical Texas polygamist sect may soon return home. A Texas court of appeals ruled yesterday that the state had no justification for taking the children away from their parents, because it had failed, during recent legal hearings, to show that any of the children were in "immediate danger" prior to their removal from the compound. A district court judge now has 10 days to release the children from state custody, although the state could halt the release by appealing the decision to the Texas Supreme Court. The district judge, Barbara Walther, originally ordered the children's removal after authorities reported receiving a phone call from a still-unidentified underage girl alleging physical and sexual abuse by an adult male sect member. Additionally, the state's Child Protective Services agency has argued in court that at least five girls in the group, ages 15 and 16, had been forced into marriage with older men and had become pregnant.
A Warning on GOP Vulnerabilities
The Republican Party brand is "in the trash can." Its message: "stale." The political climate for GOP House lawmakers: "the worst since Watergate." House Republican Tom Davis of Virginia hammered out this bleak assessment on a rainy Sunday, May 11, from his home in Vienna, a Washington suburb. In a 20-page memo, he warned the GOP was "heading for losses bordering on another 20 seats in the House" in November. Davis, in his memo, cited President George W. Bush's sustained low approval ratings and a public preference for Democratic control of Congress. He noted that Democrats are winning at fundraising, too. Davis included prescriptive actions for turning around Republican hopes in the fall. He urged Bush to send an emergency energy package to Congress "and dare them to act." Davis also implored his party to develop messages and to test and challenge Democrats on issues such as immigration and American competitiveness.
Billions of Dollars Spent Without Adequate Records in Iraq
An internal audit of some $8 billion paid to U.S. and Iraqi contractors found that nearly every transaction failed to comply with federal laws or regulations aimed at preventing fraud, in some cases lacking even basic invoices explaining how the money was spent. Of the money paid during a five-year period—from 2001 through 2006—$7.8 billion in payments skirted billing rules with some violations egregious enough to invite potential fraud, warned the Defense Department's inspector general.
Reader Comments
time to reach the delta and possible theft
Ella Gudwin, an emergency logistics specialist for AmeriCares, is one of a few foreign experts given permission to enter the country; she arrived 11 days ago in Rangoon. Gudwin said communications are so poor that aid workers in Rangoon learn about conditions in the southern villages from teams of runners who relay information. Trips to the region from Rangoon that would normally take 20 hours now take two days. (Marisol Bello, In Burma, not enough aid to spare, USA Today, May 22, 2008)
I KNOW that the telecommunication of my country is POOR. But it is NOT as bad as what Gudwin described. AmericCares can buy a satellite phone for $ 1,500 approximately.
Another error in her account is that the time a trip from Rangoon to the delta will take. USA Today reports “Trips to the region from Rangoon that would normally take 20 hours now take two days.” A trip from Rangoon to NOWHERE in the delta takes 20 hours normally, either by land or by ships/boats. A trip from Rangoon to the most distant locations in the delta would take 6 hours in average by land and 12 hours by boat/ship. Even now, it should never take longer than 12 hours by car/truck and 20 hours by boat/ship.
IF the cargo convoys from AmeriCare are taking longer than 12 or the cargo ships from AmeriCare are taking longer than 20 hours, something fishy must be taking place on the way. The cargo convoys/ships are taking more time than they should, to replace the good relief materials with the less-quality ones. The cargo convoys/ships are taking more time than they should, to trade the foreign-made materials with local-made ones.
Make an investigation.
Part IV: After Inviting the International Aid Workers In
Part IV: After Inviting the International Aid Workers In
To prevent another attempt at people’s power revolution from the part of regime opponents, what can the international actors do?
The Western governments in particular and the other governments and media in general, will have to sternly tell the regime opponents NOT to take advantage of the presence of aid workers and NOT to make, during the relief operations, another attempt at people’s power revolution, and so doing could harm the international aid workers. Better yet, the Western governments can sternly tell the regime opponents what the consequences would be. The regime opponents have lost a lot of ground in Burma; they are relying mostly on their state/non-state supporters and sympathetic media in the West for their cause; therefore, they will most likely take their worthy allies’ position into consideration if such position is clearly and sincerely taken. On the other hand, the regime opponents might have never intended to take advantage of the presence of the international aid workers and make another attempt at the regime change by people’s power revolution. (I am just giving them a way out without losing face, in case they miss.) Thus, on their own accord, the regime opponents will NOT make another attempt at the regime change by people’s power revolution for the sake of their fellow Burmese cyclone victims, not due to position of their Western allies.
What if the West’s warnings are not serious or taken seriously and the regime opponents would nonetheless capitalize on the presence of international aid workers and make another attempt at people’s power revolution? The Burmese government will, euphemistically speaking, restore law and order even at the presence/risk of the international aid workers and even at the face of the severe consequences later.
Part III: After Inviting the International Aid Workers In
Part III: After Inviting the International Aid Workers In
Now that the Burmese military government invited the international relief workers into their country, what are the possible worst-case scenarios we must be aware of and prepared for, and if possible, prevent. Now, all the possible bad scenarios would depend solely on a single, unwise decision of the regime opponents: to take advantage of the presence of the international aid workers inside Burma and to attempt to remove the incumbent government in a people’s power revolution. The regime opponents would gauge that they will win either way.
If a people’s power revolution is successful, the Burmese military government will be ousted. David Montero predicts in Christian Science Monitor that “Disaster May Loosen Junta’s Grip in Burma” (May 8, 2008)
If it fails, the Burmese military government is going to face the enormous global outrage and UN Security Council’s punitive resolution.
If the regime opponents plan to take advantage of the presence of international aid workers, thinking that they will win either way, what would the Burmese military leaders do?
In the name of reason of the state, the first reaction scenario of the Burmese military government is going to order the army and police to, euphemistically speaking, maintain law and order. Legally, they can do so because the emergency law is imposed for a natural disaster and legitimately because the U.S National Guards and Police did shoot some people dead in New Orleans after Katrina. The Burmese military leaders are going to and have to take a decisive action, whatever it means, even if the international aid workers are there and if they have to face later the global condemnation and UN Security Council’s punitive resolution, falling into the trap of their opponents’ infamous but unpragmatic strategy of regime change by UN Security Council’s resolutions. In this scenario, the international aid workers are suggested to stay inside their lodgings rather than venturing out into the streets like Japanese undercovered reporter Kenji Nagai.
Another possible reaction scenario from the part of Burmese military government is to allow the Burmese public in general and the international aid workers in particular to face Hobbesian dilemma: having to make a choice between anarchy and Leviathan state. The Burmese military government might also wait for a few days and may restore law and order only later as last year in Burma or as in Tibet. Even its earlier, less decisive, attempts might FAIL. The 2nd and 3rd scenarios would inevitably result in the withdrawal of its troops from some areas, as in 1988 in Burma, leaving the population (and the international aid workers) to face the Hobbesian dilemma to choose between the anarchy and Leviathan state. In anticipation of the 2ndand 3rd scenarios, the international aid workers are advised to seek accommodation in the high-rise hotels where the helicopter rescues are possible. Yes, it will cost forty or fifty dollars more than the small, family-run, motels which cost ten or twenty dollars per night. In order to be able to rescue the international aid workers out there in the field immediately, it is necessary for them to instantaneously update their location to the local authorities or even higher authorities, including the relevant ministries.
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